ALBERT CAMUS-QUOTES

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Quotes by Albert Camus//Γνωμικά του Αλμπέρτου Καμύ

“But in the end one needs more courage to live than to kill oneself.”

“The only way to deal with an unfree world is to become so absolutely free that your very existence is an act of rebellion.”

“When I look at my life and its secret colours, I feel like bursting into tears.”

“Real generosity towards the future lies in giving all to the present.”

“Blessed are the hearts that can bend; they shall never be broken.”

“An intellectual? Yes. And never deny it. An intellectual is someone whose mind watches itself. I like this, because I am happy to be both halves, the watcher and the watched. “Can they be brought together?” This is a practical question. We must get down to it. “I despise intelligence” really means: “I cannot bear my doubts.”

“Autumn is a second spring when every leaf is a flower.”

“To be happy, we must not be too concerned with others.”
~Τελικά χρειάζεσαι πιο πολύ θάρρος να ζήσεις παρά ν’ αυτοκτονήσεις

~Ο μόνος τρόπος ν’ αντιμετωπίσεις έναν ανελεύθερο κόσμο είναι να νιώσεις τόσο ελεύθερος που η κάθε σου πράξη να `ναι μια πράξη εξέγερσης

~Όταν παρατηρώ τη ζωή μου και τα κρυφά της χρώματα, νιώθω την ανάγκη να κλάψω

~Πραγματική μελλοντική γεναιοδωρία είναι να τα δίνεις όλα στο παρόν

~Ευλογημένες οι καρδιές που λυγίζουν γιατί ποτέ δεν θα σπάσουν

~Διανοούμενος; Ναι και μην το αρνηθείς ποτέ. Διανοούμενος είναι αυτός που το μυαλό του προσέχει τον εαυτό του. Κι αυτό μ’ αρέσει γιατί προτιμώ να `μαι δύο μισά, ο παρατηρηρτής κι ο παρατηρούμενος. ‘Μπορούν άραγε να ταυτιστούν;’ Αυτή είναι πρακτική ερώτηση. Ας την εξετάσουμε. ‘Απεχθάνομαι την ευφυία’ στην πραγματικότητα σημαίνει ‘δεν μπορώ να υπομένω τις αμφιβολίες μου’

~Το φθινόπωρο είναι μια δεύτερη άνοιξη όταν το κάθε φύλλο είναι κι ένα λουλούδι

~Να νιώσεις ευτυχής σημαίνει ν’ αδιαφορείς για τους άλλους
~ Μετάφραση στα ελληνικά ΜΑΝΩΛΗ ΑΛΥΓΙΖΑΚΗ / translation by MANOLIS ALIGIZAKIS

 

Albert Camus (1913—1960)
Albert Camus was a French-Algerian journalist, playwright, novelist, writer of philosophical essays, and Nobel laureate. Though neither by advanced training nor profession a philosopher, Camus nevertheless through his literary works and in numerous reviews, articles, essays, and speeches made important, forceful contributions to a wide range of issues in moral philosophy – from terrorism and political violence to suicide and the death penalty. In awarding him its prize for literature in 1957, the Nobel committee cited the author’s persistent efforts to “illuminate the problem of the human conscience in our time,” and it is pre-eminently as a writer of conscience and as a champion of imaginative literature as a vehicle of philosophical insight and moral truth that Camus was honored by his own generation and is still admired today. He was at the height of his career, at work on an autobiographical novel, planning new projects for theatre, film, and television, and still seeking a solution to the lacerating political turmoil in his native Algeria, when he died tragically in an automobile accident in January, 1960.

 

AUSTERITY MEASURES

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The only reason the EU would force Greece to leave the euro is to punish it
Date: July 2, 2015 – 12:34AM
~ Clive Crook
In my more than 30 years writing about politics and economics, I have never before witnessed such an episode of sustained, self-righteous, ruinous and dissembling incompetence — and I’m not talking about Alexis Tsipras and Syriza. As the damage mounts, the effort to rewrite the history of the European Union’s abject failure over Greece is already underway. Pending a fuller post-mortem, a little clarity on the immediate issues is in order.
On Monday, European Commission President Jean-Claude Juncker said at a news conference that he’d been betrayed by the Greek government.

A woman passes a banner supporting the No vote to the upcoming referendum in Athens. Photo: AP
The creditor institutions, he said, had shown flexibility and sought compromise. Their most recent offer involved no wage cuts, he emphasised, and no pension cuts; it was a package that created “more social fairness”. Mr. Tsipras had misled Greeks about what the creditors were asking. The talks were getting somewhere. Agreement on this package could have been reached “easily” if Mr. Tsipras hadn’t collapsed the process early on Saturday by calling a referendum.
What an outrageous passel of distortion. Since these talks began five months ago, both sides have budged, but Mr. Tsipras has given vastly more ground than the creditors. In particular, he was ready to accede to more fiscal austerity — a huge climb-down on his part. True, the last offer requires a slightly milder profile of primary budget surpluses than the creditors initially demanded; nonetheless, it still calls for severely (and irrationally) tight fiscal policy.
In contrast, the creditors have refused to climb down on the question of including debt relief in the current talks, absurdly insisting that this is an issue for later. On Tuesday, Mr. Tsipras made his most desperate attempt yet to bring the issue forward.
Far from expressing any desire to compromise, dominant voices among the creditors — notably German Finance Minister Wolfgang Schaeuble, who often seemed to be calling the shots — have maintained throughout that there is nothing to discuss. The program already in place had to be completed, and that was that.
Yes, the program had failed. No, it wouldn’t achieve debt sustainability. Absolutely, it was pointlessly grinding down Greek living standards even further. What did that have to do with it?
Juncker says the last offer made no demand for wage cuts. Really? The offer says the “wage grid” should be modernised, including “decompressing the [public sector] wage distribution”. On the face of it, decompressing involves cuts. If the creditors were calling for public-sector wages to be decompressed upward perhaps they should have made this clear. Regardless, the increases in value-added taxes demanded by the creditors mean lower real wages, public and private alike. As for no pension cuts, the creditors called for phasing out new early-retirement penalties and the so-called social solidarity payment for the poorest pensioners. Those are cuts.
The creditors called for a lot else, too. Remember that the Greek economy is on its knees. Living standards have collapsed and the unemployment rate is 25 per cent. Now read the offer document, and see if you think the advance in “social fairness” that Juncker stressed at his news conference shines through.
But I haven’t mentioned the biggest distortion of all. Noticing for the first time that Greece has EU citizens within its borders, Juncker addressed them directly on the subject of the July 5 referendum. Greeks will be asked whether they accept the offer presented by the creditors – an offer, by the way, that the creditors say no longer stands. “No [to the offer that no longer exists] would mean that Greece is saying no to Europe,” Juncker explained. President Francois Hollande of France clarified: The vote would determine “whether the Greeks want to stay in the euro zone”.
Nonsense. There’s no doubt that Greeks want to stay in the euro system – though I find it increasingly difficult to see why. If Greece leaves the system, it won’t be because Greeks decide to leave; it will be because Europe decides to kick them out.
This isn’t just semantics. There’s no reason, in law or logic, why a Greek default necessitates an exit from the euro. The European Central Bank pulls this trigger by choosing – choosing, please note – to withhold its services as lender of last resort to the Greek banking system. That is what it did this week. That is what shut the banks and, in short order, will force the Greek authorities to start issuing a parallel currency in the form of IOUs.
A truly independent European Central Bank, willing to do whatever it takes to defend the euro system, could have announced that it would keep supplying Greek banks with liquidity. If the Greek banks are deemed in due course to be insolvent (which hasn’t happened yet), that doesn’t have to trigger an exit, either. Europe has the wherewithal and a bank-rescue mechanism that would allow the banks to be taken over and recapitalized. These options are foreclosed because the supposedly apolitical European Central Bank has let Europe’s finance ministers use it as a hammer to extract fiscal concessions from Greece.
Nobody ever imagined that a government default in Europe would dictate ejection from the euro zone. The very possibility would have been correctly recognized as a fatal defect in the design of the system.
If the Greeks vote no, a Greek exit is a possible and even likely consequence. But if it happens, the reason won’t be that Greece chose to go. The reason will be that the European Union and its politicized central bank chose to inflict exit as punishment.

~ Copyright © 2015 Fairfax Media